Gaza War Pushes India Closer to Israel Under Modi

New Delhi (GNP): India’s relationship with Israel has grown steadily closer under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and analysts say the war in Gaza has sped up that shift. The change is most visible now because several Western countries are increasing pressure on Israel over its military campaign in Gaza and settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank.

Signs of the closer ties came well before this month. In September 2025, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich visited India, held meetings and travelled to New Delhi, Mumbai and Gujarat, Modi’s home state. The trip came while Smotrich faced growing international criticism over his statements on Palestinians and the West Bank, and it showed India’s willingness to expand economic engagement with Israel as the war continued.

Modi then travelled to Israel in February 2026 and met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, at a time when Israel faced mounting diplomatic pressure over the war. The visit confirmed how far the partnership had come.

The shift did not begin with Gaza, however. India and Israel established diplomatic ties in 1992 and built relations gradually, but Modi expanded them significantly. In 2017, he became the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel.

Former Indian diplomat Navdeep Suri said the relationship, once kept largely out of public view, has become far more open under Modi. He pointed to defence cooperation, intelligence sharing and shared security concerns as the main drivers.

The Gaza war then changed the public debate. After the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on 7 October 2023, Modi swiftly condemned them as terrorist attacks and expressed shock. He repeated that position during his 2026 visit to Israel. Analysts say presenting Israel as a country confronting terrorism has strengthened support for closer ties within Modi’s political camp.

Domestic politics also play a part. Political analyst Rasheed Kidwai said the relationship reflects narratives promoted by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which follows a Hindu nationalist agenda. He said sections of India’s Hindu right admire Israel’s security policies, while the partnership also serves practical interests in defence and intelligence. India has become a major buyer of Israeli military equipment, and media investigations have also reported Indian arms exports to Israel during the war.

India’s approach stands out against the wider international mood. Several Western countries have imposed sanctions on individuals and restricted products from Israeli settlements in the West Bank. India has continued to call for a two-state solution and humanitarian access, but has avoided stronger public criticism of Israel.

Suri said New Delhi should take more principled positions on the conflict, including on violence in Gaza and attacks by Israeli settlers in the West Bank. He attributed India’s reluctance partly to the close political ties between the two governments. The war has also raised questions about how India balances its traditional support for Palestinian statehood with its growing strategic partnership with Israel.

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That balance has moved a long way over time. India opposed Israel’s creation in 1948 and backed the Palestinian cause for decades, reflecting its anti-colonial foreign policy and its ties with Arab countries. It supported a 1975 United Nations General Assembly resolution describing Zionism as a form of racism. It also built early relations with the Palestine Liberation Organisation and recognised Palestinian statehood before establishing formal ties with Israel.

Successive Indian governments expanded relations with Israel, but Kidwai said Modi’s approach differs from that of his predecessors, who saw support for Palestine as an important part of foreign policy and domestic politics. The closeness was on show during the 2026 visit, when Netanyahu said Modi was “a great friend of Israel” and “a brother”.